Muhammad Ali Jinah

Quaid-the Founder of Pakistan 

Muhammad Ali Jinnah was born in 1876 at Karachi. He got his early education at Karachi from Sind Madrasa tul Islam. Then he moved to London to pursue his legal education from Lincoln's Inn. After completing his Bar at Law he returned to Karachi to practice law but could not establish himself as successful lawyer. Then he went to Bombay to start his legal profession there. He was basically a Statesman and a staunch Indian nationalist and an advocate of a united India for many years. At the very beginning of his career, even when he was practicing law full time, he strongly associated himself with the All India National Congress party and quickly became one of its brightest young stars. He was not religious in the popular sense. He had a secular bent of mind. That is why his mentors were non-Muslim liberal politicians such as Hindu Gopal Krishna Gokhale and Parsi Dadabhai Naoroji. Living though he was in British India, in which the social and intellectual divisions between Hindus and Muslims were manifest, Jinnah believed that India's freedom would only be possible if the two communities worked together as equals.

At the same time he actively demonstrated his concern for safeguarding the interests of his own community. In his very first speech in Congress in December 1906, in which a resolution was moved on the issue of Waqf-i-ala-aulad (Muslim law dealing with inheritance and trusts) he expressed his appreciation that a question affecting solely the Muslim community was being raised by the Congress. It showed, he said, that the Muslims could stand 'equally' on the Congress platform. Jinnah voiced this sentiment again the next day at the same session: 'The Mohammedan community should be treated in the same way as the Hindu community.' Later he also took on the Waqf issue himself, sponsoring the Musalman Waqf Validating Bill through the Viceroy's Legislature in 1913. In 1913 he joined All India Muslim League on the request of Maulana Muhammad Jauhar. Thereafter it was through his membership of both parties that he worked for a political union of Hindus and Muslims. He cemented his reputation as the 'ambassador of Hindu Muslim unity' in 1916, when as the presidet of the Muslim League he was the chief actor in rallying the two major communities in a cooperative agreement which became known as 'Lucknow Pact'. Through this pact the congress formally recognized the right of Muslims to have ‘special’ electorates, and implicitly recognized them as being on an equal footing with Hindus. In return the League was to support the national aims of the congress. Meanwhile, the Khilafat issue was the main concern of Indian Muslims. They wanted to prevent the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire by Europeans including the British, and they wanted to save the Caliphate of Turkey in order to retain the Caliphate’s control on Islam’s holy places. They were also motivated by their anxiety to preserve the last symbol of the declining political Muslim world. Jinnah had been the first Leaguer to bring up the Khilafat issue in the ‘Lucknow Pact’ Session in 1916, but otherwise Indian Muslims lacked organization in expressing their grievances. In November 1919, Muslims held a conference presided by Fazlul Haq, where they formed a Khilafat Committee. Jinnah and Gandhi both attended, and both were also amongst the deputation of Indians led by Mohammad Ali Jouhar who presented the Khilafat Conference’s grievances to the Viceroy on 19 January 1920.

The loss of faith in the British Government and new zeal for revolutionary activism had initially brought the Muslims and Hindus together, but now it began to drive them apart. The Congress’ support of Gandhi’s revolutionary approach conflicted with Jinnah’s methods and so the Lucknow Pact was effectively abandoned. Some Hindu groups were now increasingly promoting Hindutva, an exclusivist Hindu nationalism. The militant Hindu Mahasabha in particular opposed the Lucknow Pact and separate electorates. Meanwhile Congress antipathy towards Muslim political demands and a growing anti-Muslim religious movement at a social level would lead to Hindu Muslim riots over the coming years. Although communal tensions continued to rise over the next decade, Jinnah did not give up seeking a possible rapprochement between the two communities. He focused on building up the League (which had become sidelined with the dominance of the Khilafat Committee) and by the mid 1920s its standing was somewhat improved. In 1927, Motilal Nehru suggested that if Muslims gave up demanding separate electorates he might convince the Congress to concede other Muslim demands. The Delhi Muslim proposals were the result. A year later, in response to the British Government’s challenge that the Indians should try and draft a constitution on which they would all agree, the various parties of India met at the All Parties Conference at Calcutta, in February 1928. The Nehru Report (authored by Motilal Nehru) was written and published following the conference, demanding full independence (i.e. not dominion status within the British Empire). It did not fully meet the demands in the Delhi Muslim proposals, yet it rejected separate electorates. Muslims had demanded a third of seats at the centre; they were offered a quarter. Sindh was to be given the right of separation, with the caveat that it must be financially self-sufficient. Unsurprisingly the Muslim League rejected the Nehru Report. To offer a compromise, Jinnah put together his famous fourteen points’ summarizing the bare minimum demands of Muslims including: a requirement that residuary powers to be given to the provinces; that Muslims representation at the centre must be a third; Muslim religion, culture and education must be safeguarded; separate electorate and weight age must be granted; and that Sindh must be separated from Bombay. The Congress would not concede to these demands, but at least Jinnah’s efforts helped to repair the rift in the Muslim League.

Jinnah’s was the voice of a ‘secular Muslim’ for whom a communal problem could be resolved with political safeguards. He did not yet appreciate Iqbal’s tactful warning in Allahabad that national homogeneousness in India - a ‘continent’ – was extremely difficult to achieve; that ‘Hindu India’ would need a ‘complete overhauling of her social structure’ (meaning its case system) if it was going to seriously demand the creation of a nation-state for all Indians; and that it needed to acquire the kind of political and ethical homogeneousness that Islam provided as a ‘free gift’. Jinnah however was clinging to the composite Indian nationalist ideal for the time being. To make matters worse, not all in the Muslim ranks appreciated Jinnah’s insistence on Hindu-Muslim unity, or his preference for joint electorates. For example, Mian Fazl-i-Husain, a pro-British Punjabi leader and predecessor to Sikandar Hayat Khan, expressed his discomfort with Jinnah speaking on behalf of Muslims at the Conference, given that Jinnah’s views were not always acceptable to them. Jinnah now realized that he was alone at the RTC. Looking back five years later he was to remark: 

"I displeased the Muslims. I displeased my Hindu friends because of the famous 14 points. I displeased the Princes because I was deadly against their underhand activities and I displeased the British Parliament because I felt right from the beginning and I rebelled against it and said that it was all a fraud. Within a few weeks I did not have a friend there."

Many efforts {to secure safeguards for all minorities} had been made since 1924 till the Round Table Conference. At that time, there was no pride in me and I used to beg from the Congress. I worked so incessantly to bring about a rapprochement that a newspaper remarked that Mr. Jinnah is never tired of Hindu-Muslim unity. But I received the shock of my life at the meetings of the Round Table Conference. In the face of danger the Hindu sentiment, the Hindu mind, the Hindu attitude led me to the conclusion that there was no hope of unity. I felt very pessimistic about my country. The position was most unfortunate. The Mussalmans were like dwellers in No Man’s Land; they were led by either the flunkeys of the British Government or the camp followers of the Congress. Whenever attempts were made to organize the Muslims, toadies and flunkeys on the one hand and traitors in the Congress camp on the other frustrated the efforts. I began to feel that neither could I help India, nor change the Hindu mentality, nor could I make the Mussalmans realize their precarious position. I felt so disappointed and so depressed that I decided to settle down in London. Not that I did not love India; but I felt utterly helpless. Jinnah remained in England following the end of the second RTC. He lived in Hampstead, where he resumed his legal practice. Back in India, the Muslim League was floundering. Muslim Leaguers unanimously elected Jinnah League president in his absence, and pleaded with him to return. The Indian nationalist in Jinnah was down, but not out. As he himself testified, even after his return in April 1934 he looked for a way to bring about Hindu-Muslim unity, right up until the provincial elections of 1936. Perhaps he had held Gandhi as the sole culprit for wrecking communal unity at the RTC. In 1936, Jinnah had not completely given up on Indian nationalism, but he was beginning to show signs of change. He had met with Iqbal a number of times in England and they had long been colleagues. But 1936-8 was a period in which Iqbal became Jinnah’s self attested ‘spiritual support’. We know little of the ideas exchanged between them during this crucial period, except for what exists in Iqbal’s letters to Jinnah, and Jinnah’s own comments on them. Tragically, Jinnah’s replies are missing, but he did later write that Iqbal had played a very conspicuous part behind the scenes in uniting Muslims in minority and majority provinces. As he also confessed, Iqbal’s views (which were at any rate ‘substantially in consonance’ with his own) had finally led Jinnah to the same conclusions as Iqbal regarding the constitutional problems facing India; and they were later given expression in the united will of Muslim India as adumbrated in the Lahore resolution (the League’s most famous resolution which demanded Muslim independence). At any rate Jinnah’s political decisions, his speeches and statements provide ample evidence of the gradual but definite ideological shift from secular Muslim to simply Muslim in the Quranic sense of the term. By 1938, this shift would be complete; but it was not a religious change. Jinnah had no theological discussions with anyone, at least not on record. The letters of Iqbal, influential though they were, contain statements not on Islam as a religion, but on Islam as a moral and political force. In the end, Jinnah’s conversion would actually come as a result of his political experiences in this period 

Iqbal-Quaid: A decisive meeting:

When Iqbal was visiting London to participate in the Round Table Conference in 1932 he met with Muhammad Ali Jinnah and discussed with him the political conditions of Muslims in India. During this meeting he impressed upon Jinnah to return to India and take up the liberation mission of the Muslims from the yokes of British imperialism. Jinnah was earlier working for the cause of Muslims on different footing as mentioned in the preceding paragraphs. Iqbal convinced Jinnah to apply the correct method of appealing Muslims to get united for achieving the independence from British colonialism. He asked Jinnah to use Islam as a motivating force to awaken the Muslims. No doubt it was Iqbal's high intellectual caliber which ultimately convinced Jinnah. The right approach was to invoke the Islamic spirit and appeal Muslims to devote their energies for restoration of Islamic rule in the subcontinent. Moreover, it was Islam, a powerful factor, which could defeat the onslaught of Western civilization. Iqbal's influence on Jinnah is unquestionable. From 1937 onwards Iqbal made a number of comments and suggestions in his letters that would later be expressed in Jinnah's political actions. Iqbal also wrote that he considered Jinnah 'the only Muslim' capable of leading the Muslims through the 'storm' of the political crisis. Jinnah was thus inspired by Iqbalian thought when he said: "The ideology of the League is based on the fundamental principle that Muslim India is an independent nationality…We are determined , and let there be no mistake about it, to establish the status of an independent nation and an independent State in this subcontinent." Until the end of his life Jinnah frequently borrowed ideas directly from Iqbal- including his thoughts on Muslim unity, on Islamic ideals of liberty, justice and equality, on economics, and even on practices such as prayers. 

Iqbal & Quaid: mutual understanding/relationship

Iqbal and Quaid shared their views and respected each other so much that one calls the other 'Visionary'. It is said that Iqbal uttered the following verse in honour of Quaid: “For thousands of years a nation may lament & remain groping in darkness. Only then a visionary leader may be born to guide the nation.” Iqbal's relationship with Quaid is manifested in the letters he wrote on different occasions to express his dynamism which ultimately impressed Jinnah very much. According to Mr Ahmad Saeed Iqbal wrote 19 letters to Jinnah of which 08 are very famous. On the other hand Jinnah also expressed his strong affiliation with Iqbal. He was passionately moved by the death of Iqbal and paid homage to his 'Spiritual Guide' in the following words: “The sorrowful news of the death of Dr Sir Muhammad Iqbal had plunged the world of Islam in gloom and mourning. Sir Muhammad Iqbal was undoubtedly one of the greatest poets, philosophers and seers of humanity of all times. To me he was a personal friend, philosopher and guide and as such the main source of my inspiration and spiritual support”. In another public speech Jinnah showed his preference for Iqbal's works over the rulership of a State. He says: “If I live to see the ideal of a Muslim state being achieved in India, and I was then offered to make a choice between the works of Iqbal and the rulership of the Muslim state, I would prefer the former.

Quaid's Vision of Pakistan Inspired by Iqbal and greatly moved by the message of the Qur'an and the Sunnah, Quaid understood the strength of Islam and frequently expressed his views about it as a moral, spiritual and socio-politicoeconomic system. Excerpts from his speeches/writings, mainly taken from "The Nation's Voice Vol. I to IV" published by Quaid-i-Azam Academy, Karachi are reproduced below to show that Quaid wanted to establish a State wherein Islamic principles will reign supreme: • Flag of Muslim league: flag of Islam “Today in this huge gathering you have honoured me by entrusting the duty to unfurl the flag of the Muslim League; the flag of Islam, for you can not separate Muslim League from Islam. Many people misunderstand us when we talk of Islam particularly our Hindu friends. When we say ‘this flag is the flag of Islam’ they think we are introducing religion into politics-a fact of which we are proud. Islam gives us a complete code. It is not only religion but it contains laws, philosophy and politics. In fact, it contains everything that matters to a man from morning to night. When we talk of Islam we take it as an all-embracing word. We do not mean any ill will. The foundation of our Islamic code is that we stand for liberty, equality and fraternity.”

 • Let us go back to the Qur’an “Let us go back to our Holy Book the Quran; let us revert to the Hadith and the great traditions of Islam, which have everything in them for our guidance if we correctly interpret them and follow our great Holy Book, the Quran.”

 • Tribute to Quaid by a British Quaid's Islamic character was even known to non-Muslims. One of his critics remarked: “Mr. Jinnah is the sword of Islam resting in a secular scabbard.”

 • Controversy over one statement: 11 Aug 1947 One of the statements of Quaid is often repeated by so called secularists. It is quoted out of context to prove that Quaid probably wanted a secular state instead of Islamic one. It is sheer intellectual dishonesty that in the presence of so many quotes in favour of Islamic system of life only one statement is given importance which suits the view point of secularists. The fact is that Quaid was referring to the rights of minorities and not giving a verdict about secularism to be adopted in Pakistan. He says: “You will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the state.” “I can give you the highest authority of our book in Islam and the authority of our history that Islam has not only treated minorities justly and fairly but generously wherever they had any authority or power. That is almost a sacred injunction upon the Muslims.”

 • Islamic principles are applicable today “Islamic principles today are as applicable to life as they were thirteen hundred years ago. I could not understand a section of the people who deliberately wanted to create mischief and made propaganda that the constitution of Pakistan would not be made on the basis of Shariah.”

 • Proud to belong to Islam He left London and adopted the present course of strenuous life only because he had no doubt in his mind that the political future of the Indian Muslim community and Islam, to which he wasproud to belong, was in danger of disintegration for want of a bold and correct leadership and the utter lack of organization.

 • Exhorts Muslims – keep the flag of Islam flying "There had been a wonderful Muslim awakening in India and what was needed at present was that this should be harnessed and properly mobilized. He concluded by exhorting the Muslims to prepare themselves for the future and to keep the flag of Islam flying."

 • Flag of ML is flag of Islam Today in this huge gathering you have honoured me by entrusting the duty to unfurl the flag of the Muslim League, the flag of Islam, for you can not separate the Muslim League from Islam.

 • Follow Prophet’s example, stand united behind ML The flag of the Muslim League is the flag of Islam. This is not a new thing. It is there since the last 1300 years. Thirteen hundred years ago, our Prophet (peace be upon him) preached his faith when there was no Muslim. In 20 years time our Prophet (peace be upon him) had spread not only his faith in Arabia, Egypt and Europe but also brought them under his suzerainty.

 • ML flag “several centuries old” Unfurling the League flag, [the Quaid] observed that it was not a new flag. It was several centuries old and was given to them by the Prophet.

 • Islamic code of law most equitable I find and I have no hesitation in saying this that Islamic code of law with regard to succession is most equitable, most just, most advanced and most progressive. Muslims living in different states are one. The geographical limits cannot divide children of Islam. I was born a Muslim and shall die a Muslim.

 • Pakistan, the only goal to save Islam “Pakistan is not only a practicable goal but the only goal if you want to save Islam from complete annihilation in this country” Our watchword should be faith, unity and discipline “Islam lays great emphasis on the social side of things. Every day, the rich and the poor, the great and the small living in a locality are brought five times in a day in the mosque in the terms of perfect equality of mankind and thereby the foundation of a healthy social relationship is laid and established through prayer.”

 • I have spoken hearts of millions of Muslim “I have spoken what was in the hearts of millions of Muslims boldly, I have served you faithfully and led you truthfully. I can give you nothing except my service. I shall continue my service of the Muslims and Islam.”

 • The greatest message: the Qur’an “You have asked me to give you a message. What message can I give you? We have got the greatest message in the Quran for our guidance and enlightenment. All what we have got to do is to know ourselves and the great qualities, virtues and powers that we possess. Let us work up to that great ideals.”

 • Unconquerable soldiers of Islam “The Muslims of India have great faith and hope in you and believe that you will be the unconquerable soldiers of Islam like unconquerable rocks and through you Islam in India will be able to revive the glorious past”. 

 • Islam: a code of conduct “You must remember that Islam is not merely a religious doctrine but a realistic and practical code of conduct. I am thinking in terms of our history, our heroes, our art, our architecture, our laws, our jurisprudence.”

 • Our bedrock and sheet anchor is Islam “Islam did not recognize any kind of distinction of various classifications of castes and the Prophet (May peace be upon him) was able to level down all castes and create a national unity among Arabs in Arabia. Our bedrock and sheet anchor is Islam. There is no question even of Shias and Sunnis. We are one and we must move into nation as one and then alone shall we be able to retain Pakistan.” [Be a Muslim. Transcend all sorts of Sects and Sectarianism] “For us Pakistan means our defence, our deliverance, and our destiny. It is the only way which will ensure to us our freedom and the maintenance of our honour and the glory of Islam.”

Iqbal and Quaid’s views formulated ideology of Pakistan

If we analyze Iqbal & Quaid's views expressed by them during the entire struggle for Pakistan it is nothing but Islam which they wanted to see as the system of life to be implemented in Pakistan .It is for Muslims to stick to the vision of these two heroes who have left a great legacy in the form of rich ideas derived from the heavenly sources i.e. the Qu'ran and the Sunnah. Following is the summary of Pakistan Ideology extracted from Sharif al Mujahid's book titled "Ideology of Pakistan": "The paramount significance of Pakistan, however, lay in the fact that it was premised on a philosophy which boldly challenged the prevalent notions of statehood, especially that states ought to be formed on the basis of territorial nationality. The Pakistan movement seemed to be a brave act of swimming against the ideological currents of the time. The whole point of the Pakistan idea was that the prevalent concept of the collective identity of Indian Muslims. It had become quite clear by the early forties that Islam was functioning in India as the major bond of cohesion for its followers. The separate nationhood of Indian Muslims was eventually recognized and so there came into existence in August 1947 a state in the name of Islam. What was quite novel about this state was that its declared objective was to translate Islam’s ideals into [terms of] practice. The birth of Pakistan was also perceived as a major stride towards the unity of the Muslims of the world, something that would give Muslims the enhanced weight and strength needed to preserve the substance of their independence. This unity was seen necessary to enable Muslims to act in the international sphere for the greater good of the Ummah and to make their contribution to building a better order for all humanity, an order based on justice, universal brotherhood and well-being of all, especially of the downtrodden, the “wretched of the earth”. But above all, many Muslims envisioned that the new country would serve, in the words of Quaid-iAzam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan, as a laboratory wherein Islamic principles would be tested and shown to be wholesome for all humanity. Questions about Pakistan’s raison deter, have not ceased to agitate many curious minds. Why should India have been split into two states? Is it not an anachronism that a state should have come into being in mid twentieth century in the name of Islam, a state that would derive inspiration and guidance from religious worldview, and that too in an age when religion’s role in societal affairs is regarded as a relic of the past? Does Pakistan, then, make sense? The rationale for the creation of Pakistan, as we all know, was provided by the famous two-nation theory. Put succinctly, the theory asserted that India was the home not of one but of two major nationalities – Hindus and Muslims. Now Islam requires that human beings submit themselves to God. In practical terms, this means that they follow the guidance revealed by God to His last Messenger Muhammad (peace be on him). This guidance is essentially embodied in the Sunnah. Since the contents of this guidance broadly embrace virtually all aspects of life, it would be apt to say that Islam’s concerns are not confined to religious and spiritual matters in the restricted sense of these terms. Thanks to Islam’s pervasiveness, we find a characteristic Islamic stamp on Muslims’ lifestyle in myriad space-time contexts. The same happened in India. True, during their long history in India, Muslims were very much Indianzed. Even those Muslims whose ancestors had come to India from abroad felt very much at home and developed in their culture an ambience that was characteristically Indian. They gave much to this country and were also open to receive a great deal from it. Nevertheless, the Muslim religio-cultural entity was able to maintain its distinctness and Islam did not suffer the fate which overtook other religions in India assimilation and effacement. It has often been conjectured that while Pakistan’s founding fathers had invoked Islam to make a case for Pakistan, they did not truly think that it should have much of a role to play in Pakistan once that state had come into existence. This was and is still said even with reference to Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. It sounds somewhat astonishing, though, that such a statement should be made by those who express great veneration for Quaid-i-Azam. It seems that such people did not even pause for a moment to consider the implications of such a statement. Does this statement not imply that Quaid-i-Azam had for long said things that he did not believe in; that he merely said what was expedient? Now, the life-long record of Quaid-i-Azam amply testifies that he always had the courage to speak out his mind; that he was never known for hypocrisy; that he never evinced any disposition to play to the gallery. A few sentence of his inaugural address to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan are quoted out of context as if reflecting a vision of Pakistan different from what he and his party, Muslim League, had been presenting up to this point. The fact, however, is that what he said on this historic occasion does in no way negate the role of Islam in Pakistan’s polity which he had spelled out so often. Couched in modern political idiom, his statement only reaffirmed an aspect of the established relationship between an Islamic state and its non Muslim citizens. The speech especially underlines his resolve to bestow equal rights on all citizens of Pakistan irrespective of their class, colour or creed. All this indeed reflects Quraid-i-Azam’s true vision of Pakistan which in no way contradicts his emphatic affirmation, time and again, as regard the Islamic character of Pakistan. Also, this Islamic character was not conceived as something nominal; as some mantra that would be pronounced on ceremonial occasions. He rather conceived Islam’s role to be both vital and substantial. Even though all this is quite evident, it still needs to be restricted for a degree of conduction has indeed been created on this question. Let us see what Quaid-i-Azam said on the subject. We find that he made it clear that “Pakistan not only meant freedom and independence but the Muslim ideology which has to be preserved”. He also explained that Muslims demanded Pakistan “where they could rule according to their own cultural growth, tradition and Islamic laws”. He thought that “our religion, culture and our Islamic ideals” were “our driving force to achieve our freedom”. During the Indian Muslims’ struggle for the establishment of this “Muslim National Homeland”, he repeatedly declared that they stood for establishing an “Islamic State”. After the establishment of Pakistan, too, Quaid-i-Azam did not cease to emphasize this aspect of Pakistan. With a feeling of joyful and genuine pride, he called Pakistan “the Muslim State of Pakistan”, “the premier Islamic State”, and a “bulwark of Islam”. He could not understand “a section of the people who deliberately wanted to create mischief and made propaganda that the Constitution of Pakistan would not be made on the basis of Shariat” Without attempting to array any further evidence – and the available evidence on the question is overwhelming – I would like to refer only to some parts of Quaid-i-Azam’s speech in July 1948 on the occasion of the inauguration of the State Bank of Pakistan. What he said on this occasion is illustrative of the ideological orientation of Pakistan’s founding fathers. I shall watch with keenness the work of your (State Banks) Research Organization in evolving banking practices compatible with Islamic ideals of social and economic life… We must work our destiny in our own way and present to the world an economic system based on true Islamic concept of equality of manhood and social justice. We will thereby be fulfilling our mission as Muslims and giving to humanity the message of peace which alone can save it and secure the welfare, happiness and prosperity of mankind. Thus, Pakistan was essentially envisioned as an Islamic polity, it is quite natural that there should be diversity of views as to the detailed implications of the concept of such a polity. There was, however, no ambiguity about the fact that it would and should be an Islamic polity. It was the least surprising, therefore, that when six months after the death of Quaid-i-Azam, the Constituent Assembly met to lay down the objectives of the state of Pakistan, it categorically reaffirmed the vision of the nation and its leaders regarding the role of Islam in the state that had been established in Islam’s name. The exponents of the Pakistan idea from Muhammad Iqbal to Muhammad Ali Jinnah and others were all categorical and emphatic in assuring the non-Muslims in Pakistan that as its citizens they would enjoy the same rights as those enjoyed by Muslims. The leaders of the Pakistan Movement, and most of all Quaid-i-Azam himself, assured them that they would not be subjected to any discrimination; that they would be treated justly, even generously. To accord fair and generous treatment to the non Muslims living in an Islamic state is a well-established and long-standing Islamic tradition. Such a treatment has an Islamic rationale and motivation and has nothing to do necessarily with any newfangled secularist philosophies. For it is a well known duty of the rulers of an Islamic state to create an atmosphere in which the non-Muslims would feel secure as regards their life, honour, property and the practice of their religious faith, an atmosphere in which they would have no fear being subjected to any undue pressures. It also needs to be pointed out that the rights granted to non-Muslims in an Islamic state are granted to them in the name of God and His Prophet (peace be upon him) rather than in the name of the nation or its government and for this reason, they are sacred, inviolable and irrevocable. It goes to the credit of the religious scholars of Islam that in the long history of Islam whenever any rulers showed the inclination to give them a rough deal and deprive them of any of their rights, the former valiantly stood to oppose such moves and persuaded the rulers to give up such ideas. Such an attitude did indeed behove the upholders of the religious tradition vouchsafed by the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him). This, because he declared that on the Day of Judgment he would plead with God on behalf of those nonMuslims with whom Muslims had a covenant, and who were nevertheless subjected to injustice, or whose rights were denied, or from whom something was taken without their willing consent. According to a great many Muslim jurists, the principle governing the relations between the Muslim and non-Muslims in an Islamic state is the following:” They i.e. non-Muslims have the same rights as the Muslims. However, there is a difference amongst their obligations. For instance, a non-Muslim is not obliged to go to war & defend the country.” It is also reported that ‘Ali, the fourth Caliph of Islam, made the following statement about the nonMuslims with whom the Muslims have a covenant “… their properties are like our properties, and their blood is like our blood”. It would also be pertinent to emphasize that apart from granting non-Muslims a set of rights, Islamic civilization also has another noteworthy distinction: From quite an early period of its history, it conferred religious, cultural and even judicial autonomy on its nonMuslim citizens. This would certainly be the envy of many minority communities of the world today whose distinct entity is generally frowned upon be the majority. The demand for Pakistan was the result not primarily of a racial, linguistic, or territorial community, but of religious community. Pakistan’s emergence represented a trend against the prevalent international system of territorial nationalism; it meant a refutation of the dominant Western brand nationalism. On the other hand, it was, in a sense, an extension of the emergent concept of Islamic nationalism.

Response of Muslim masses to Quaid's leadership

Throughout the subcontinent Muslims showed unanimity of purpose. Even Muslim minority provinces like UP, CP, Bombay and Madras also joined Pakistan movement. Islam proved to be a binding force. Efforts of emotionally charged Muslims, guided by sincere leadership of Quaid resulted in the miraculous birth of great Muslim state, Pakistan.

Despite heavy odds Pakistan came into existence

The Hindus showed violent opposition to Pakistan movement. They were bent upon avenging their thousands year defeat. Since they were in majority they applied all unfair means to stop the emergence of Pakistan. They were supported by the Labour Govt. in England whose enmity towards Quaid was obvious. Moreover, strong Congress leadership in collaboration with Jamiet-i-Ulama-i-Hind, another opposing factor to Pakistan movement, created obstacles in the way of Pakistan. The strong and negative/effective propaganda of press also hindered a lot. Despite all this opposition and heavy odds Pakistan did come into existence as Divine Scheme of Allah All-mighty.

Quaid’s apprehensions

In this difficult situation Quaid himself was quite apprehensive of the emergence of Pakistan. He very desperately expressed this in the following words: "If we do not succeed in our struggle for Pakistan, the very trace of Muslims and Islam will be obliterated from the face of India."

Pakistan established

The efforts of Muslims under the guidance of Iqbal and Quaid bore fruit and Pakistan was established as a largest Muslim country in the world. Hindu leadership was of the view that Pakistan will not survive and soon it will merge with India. Despite the ill wills of enemies Pakistan emerged as a country with distinction. In order to prove that it is an "Ideological State" a collective declaration/resolution in the form of 'Objectives Resolution' was passed in 1949. The key point of this resolution was “No legislation will be done repugnant to the Quraan and Sunnah.” Although it took time but a unanimous constitution of was framed in 1956 and further revised & improved in 1973. This constitution is truly of Islamic nature. If it is implemented in letter and spirit then Pakistan can become an Islamic state in real sense. It is the responsibility of people at the helm of affairs to do the needful. It was the blessing of Pakistan that a conspiracy against the Holy Prophet (SAWS) in the form of Qdianiat was eliminated/curbed. Had there been no Pakistan it would have been very difficult to do away with this evil. By the grace of Allah Pakistan has come up as a state to reckon with and its Armed Forces are considered to be the best in the world. Out of 57 Muslim countries it is Pakistan which earned nuclear status. It is a singular honour and it can only be preserved if we achieve the real objectives set forth by the founding fathers. 

The way to success As per the vision of Iqbal and Quaid the goal of true welfare Islamic state can only be achieved when everyone sincerely adopts the teachings of Islam individually. At collective level we need to establish the 'System of Social justice'. Injustice and oppression lead to destruction. Our current problems are the result of unjust system. The Holy Qur'an has ordained: 

"O ye who believe! Be ye staunch in justice, witnesses for Allah, even though it be against yourselves or your parents or your kindred, whether the case be of a rich man or a poor man, for Allah is nearer unto both. So follow not passion lest ye lapse from truth and if you lapse or fall away, then lo! Allah is ever aware of what ye do.”