QUTUBUDDIN AIBAK (1206A.D. -1210A.D.)
Background of Qutbuddin Aibak:
Qutbuddin Aibak was born to Turkish parents in Turkistan. He belonged to the tribe of Aibek. He was sold as a slave in his boyhood and finally came under the possession of Muhammad Ghori. Due to his capability Aibak rose to prominence and became his trusted lieutenant. After the Second Battle of Tarain (1192), Aibak, the confidant of his master practically became the ruler of the latter’s conquests with power to extend them. Further, he captured Meerut and Delhi and co-operated with his master in the defeat of Jayachandra, the Gahadavala ruler of Kanauj in the Battle of Chandwar. Next Aibak captured Koil (Aligarh) and proceeded to Ajmer to suppress the rebellion of the Rajputs. He captured the fortress of Ranthambhor. He plundered Anhilwara. After a short interval Aibak took Kalinjar and Mahoba in Bundelkhand in 1203. But two years later the Chandelas recovered Kalinjar. Aibak was greatly responsible for the success of Muhammad Ghori’s last expedition to India for suppressing a rebellion in the Punjab. Thus, Qutbuddin Aibak practically became the de facto ruler of Northern India.
Qutbuddin Aibak becomes the Ruler of Delhi:
Following the assassination of Muhammad Ghori, Qutbuddin Aibak, supported by the chiefs in India, proclaimed himself as the ruler of Delhi. However, according to the law of Islam no salve could become the sovereign of an Islamic state and his master did not manumit Aibak. Being aware of this shortcoming, in his inscriptions Aibak described himself as malik or sipahsalar, though he exercised all powers of a sovereign.
Before consolidating his position at Delhi, Qutbuddin Aibak had to solve a number of problems. He failed in his attempt of bringing Ghazni under his control and it remained a separate kingdom under another slave of Muhammad Ghori, Tajuddin Yaldoz. Aibak had also to deal with Rajput revolts following the death of Muhammad Ghori. The achievements of Aibak as a monarch were not as impressive as those as a viceroy. During four years of his rule Aibak made no fresh conquests. On the contrary the Rajputs recaptured some of their strongholds, which they had lost to the Turks. Aibak also could not establish a sound system of administration. This was due to paucity of time. His administration was purely military. The local administration was left in the hands of native officers who followed the traditional revenue rules. At the capital and provincial towns Muslim officers were placed in charge of administration. Administration of justice was ill organized. Thus, Aibak did not lay the foundation of a sound structure of civil administration. He had very little time as an independent ruler. He died in 1210 due to a fall from his horse while playing chaugan (horse-polo). He was buried at Lahore, which had been his chief center of activity.
An Estimate of Qutbuddin Aibak:
Qutbuddin Aibak was the most capable slave of Muhammad Ghori. Muhammad Ghori rewarded his loyalty by appointing him as his agent in India to consolidate his conquests. He had fine qualities of head and heart. According to Prof. Habibullah, Qutbuddin combined the intrepidity of the Turk with the refined taste and generosity of the Persian. The contemporary historians appreciated his virtues of loyalty, generosity, courage and sense of justice. His generosity earned him the title of Lakh Buksh (giver of lakhs). He patronized art and literature. His court included famous scholars such as Hasan Nizami and Fakhre Mudir. He built two mosques known as Quwat-ul-Islam at Delhi and Dhai Din Ka Jhonpara at Ajmer. Despite the stories of his power, generosity and love of justice Qutbuddin Aibak could not establish a strong government in India. However, in spite his shortcomings, Sir Wolsley Haig and a number of other scholars regard him as the real founder of Muslim dominion in India.
ILTUTMISH (1211A.D. -1236A.D.)
The death of Qutbuddin Aibak in 1210 brought to the forefront the inherent defects of the ill-cemented sultanate. It raised the problem of controlling the ambitious provincial governors and partisan nobles. The spirit of provincial insubordination and assertion of authority by the nobility were the chief difficulties that the Delhi Sultanate faced throughout its period of existence.
Accession of Iltutmish:
Following the death of Qutbuddin Aibak, the Turkish nobles of Lahore, who wanted to give the city the status of capital of the sultanate, raised Aram Shah to the throne. According to some historians Aram Shah was the son of Aibak, whereas others were of the opinion that he was a person of obscure origin. However, the nobles of Delhi, fearing the eclipse of their importance and loss of the imperial status of Delhi refused to acknowledge Aram Shah as the sultan. Thus, the Turkish nobles of Delhi proved stronger than any other faction and favoured Iltutmish, the slave and son-in-law of Qutbuddin Aibak as the next sultan. Iltutmish accepted the invitation of the nobles of Delhi. Aram Shah, who was unwilling to give up his claim as Iltutmish near Delhi defeated the successor of Aibak in 1211.
Shamsuddin Iltutmish was born to noble Turkish parents of the Ilbari tribe of Central Asia. He was sold as a slave when he was still young. Having served many masters he was finally purchased by Aibak. By virtue of his merit and hard work, Iltutmish won the confidence and trust of his master. He held in succession the fiefs of Gwalior and Baran (Bulandshahr). Later, he was appointed as the governor of Badaon. He also married a daughter of Aibak.
Difficulties faced by Iltutmish:
After assuming power at Delhi Iltutmish had to face a number of difficulties and problems. The chief among them were:
(1) Apart from the supporters of Aram Shah he had to deal with a number of Turkish amirs (nobles) in Delhi and its neighbourhood. They were unwilling to accept his authority in spite of his victory over Aram Shah.
(2) Iltutmish had also to contend with his powerful rivals like Tajuddin Yaldoz and Nasiruddin Qabacha. Yaldoz, the ruler of Ghazni, nurtured an ambition to exercise his authority over the Turkish dominions in India. Qabacha, another slave of Muhammad Ghori, who was in possession of Sindh and Multan aimed at setting up an independent principality in the Punjab. He advanced from Sindh towards Lahore.
(3) In the east, many Turkish nobles and Hindu chiefs defied the authority of the sultan.
(4) The Rajput chiefs, who had been subjugated by Muhammad Ghori and Aibak, became rebellious. They recovered Jalor and Ranthambhor from the control of the Turks. Even Ajmer, Gwalior and the Doab repudiated the authority of the Turks.
(5) The Khilji governor of Bengal, Ali Mardan asserted his independence from Delhi.
(6) Added to these political problems, Iltutmish had to face certain personal difficulties as well. Technically he had been a slave of Qutbuddin Aibak who in turn was a slave of Muhammad Ghori. Thus, Iltutmish was a slave of a slave and freeborn Turks considered it humiliating to submit to him.
Establishment of authority in Delhi and the Doab:
Confronted with these manifold difficulties Iltutmish faced the situation boldly with a great deal of courage, intelligence, power and determination. As a prelude to subsequent wars and conquest, Iltutmish proceeded to establish his authority on a sound footing in the surrounding regions of Delhi and the Doab. He decided to wipe out any possible challenge to his position and power. In a campaign lasting for many months, Iltutmish suppressed the Turkish and Hindu chiefs of Delhi, Badaon, Awadh, Varanasi and Tarai region and forced them to accept his sovereignty. With his position secure at Delhi and the surrounding regions, Iltutmish could plan the subjugation of his powerful rivals and enemies.
Suppression of Yaldoz:
The security of the northwestern frontier was of paramount importance for the safety of the Delhi Sultanate. To achieve this Iltutmish had to resist the claims of Yaldoz over the Turkish possessions in India and suppress the rising power of Qabacha. Yaldoz advanced his claims of sovereignty over northern India and ascribed to Iltutmish the position of a vassal. Iltutmish shrewdly and diplomatically recognized the over lordship of Yaldoz and accepted from him the royal insignia in the form of canopy and mace. In a similar manner Yaldoz decided to assert his authority over Qabacha. He invaded the Punjab and occupied Lahore.
Meanwhile a new development in the politics of Central Asia posed a great danger to the position of Iltutmish. In 1214, The Shah of Khwarizm (Khiva) conquered Ghazni and expelled Yaldoz. These developments had far reaching implications. Firstly, having lost Ghazni, Yalodz might proceed to the Punjab and even lay a claim on Delhi. Secondly, the Shah of Khwarizm might claim Hindustan as a dependency of Ghazni. Thirdly, the Shah of Khwarizm might proceed to India in pursuit of Yaldoz and having expelled him from the Punjab might advance on to Delhi.
In order to face his enemies, Iltutmish began military operations. As anticipated the Shah of Khwarizm occupied Ghazni and Yaldoz fled to Lahore. Asserting his sovereignty over Iltutmish, Yaldoz advanced towards Delhi. Iltutmish had already proceeded at the head of a powerful army and inflicted a crushing defeat on Yaldoz in the plains of Tarain. Yaldoz was sent as a prisoner to Badaon where he either died or was killed a little later.
Defeat of Qabacha:
After the defeat of Yaldoz, Qabacha reoccupied Lahore. Outwardly he accepted the suzerainty of Iltutmish but secretly he schemed against the sultan. In 1217, Iltutmish sent an army for the conquest of Lahore. Following his defeat Qabacha fled from Lahore. Iltutmish appointed his eldest son, Nasiruddin Mahmud as the governor.
Invasion of Chengiz Khan:
The external danger to the Delhi Sultanate chiefly came from the repeated Mongol invasions through the northwestern frontier. This perpetual danger of great magnitude was first felt in 1221. The Mongols of Central Asia were pagans who became Muslims in the fourteenth century. Under their great warrior leader, Temujjin, popularly known as Chengiz Khan (1162-1227), who prided in calling himself ‘the scourge of God’, the Mongols advanced deeper into Central Asia. With their advance the Muslim states began to crumble and fall with great rapidity.
The Mongols destroyed the Khwarizmi empire in 1220. Having failed to check the advance of the Mongols and suffering a defeat at their hands the Shah of Khwarizm fled towards the Caspian Sea. However, his son and crown prince Jalauddin Mangbarni crossed the Indus and entered the Punjab. Driving out the agents of Qabacha he occupied Lahore. Mangbarni sought an alliance with Iltutmish against the Mongols. But Iltutmish shrewdly avoided being dragged into a conflict with the Mongols. He even demanded the evacuation of the Punjab by Mangbarni so as to avoid Chengiz Khan’s advance in pursuit of the fugitive. Having failed to find favour with Iltutmish, Mangbarni sought the assistance of the Khokhars. He married a Khokhar princess and tried to extend his influence in the Punjab. With the help of the Khokhars, Mangbarni drove away Qabacha and occupied Sindh and the neighboring regions and later fled to Persia in 1224. The wise policy of Iltutmish of refusing asylum to and alliance with Mangbarni against the Mongols saved the feeble and disorganized Delhi Sultanate from their scourge. Chengiz Khan, who perhaps did not desire to violate a neutral state returned from Afghanistan.
The fall of Yaldoz, the providential escape of the Delhi Sultanate from the Mongol scourge and the destruction of Qabacha’s power due to Mangbarni’s activities in the Punjab and Sindh enabled Iltutmish to consolidate his power at Delhi.
Conquest of the Punjab:
The Khokhars of the Punjab had been a source of trouble to Iltutmish. They had supported Mangbarni during his sojourn in the Punjab. Besides, the Khokhars allied themselves with Saifuddin Qarlugh, who was trying to maintain Mangbarni’s authority over the western Punjab. After a prolonged fight against the Khokhars, which lasted for several months, Iltutmish annexed a part of their territory. Besides Lahore, Iltutmish captured Sialkot, Jalandhar and Nandana. He garrisoned the forts with the Turkish and Afghan soldiers. They were assigned Khokhar villages as jagirs. The conquest of the Punjab and the creation of outposts were aimed at the security of the northwestern frontiers of the sultanate.
Restoration of Bengal:
Following the death of Qutbuddin Aibak, the Khilji governor of Bengal, Ali Mardan had declared himself independent from the authority of the sultan of Delhi. As he was a tyrant and his rule proved to be oppressive, the people of Bengal rose in revolt against him. In 1212 Ali Mardan was deposed and put to death. Hisammudin Iwaz, who assumed the title of Sultan Ghiyasuddin, captured the throne of Bengal. He was an able and popular ruler. He annexed Bihar and exacted tribute from the neighboring Hindu states of Jajnagar, Tirhut, Vanga and Kamrupa.
After securing the northwest frontier of the sultanate, Iltutmish turned his attention towards the recovery of Bengal. He would not tolerate the existence of an independent ruler in a province, which had originally been a part of the Delhi Sultanate. As a prelude to the recovery of Bengal, Iltutmish sent an army to occupy south Bihar. In 1225, Iltutmish personally proceeded against Ghiyasuddin. The latter accepted the sovereignty of the sultan and agreed to pay an indemnity and annual tribute. Iltutmish was satisfied with this arrangement and returned to Delhi. He appointed Alauddin Jani as the governor of Bihar.
As soon as Iltutmish returned to Delhi, Ghiyasuddin re-asserted his independence, drove Alauddin Jani out of Bihar and appointed his own governor. Following the rebellion of Ghiyasuddin, Iltutmish dispatched his son, Nasiruddin Mahmud, then governor of Awadh to punish the former. Nasiruddin captured Lakhnauti, the capital of Bengal in 1226 and defeated and killed Ghiyasuddin. However, following the premature death of Mahmud the affairs of Bengal once again fell into confusion leading to revolts in Lakhnauti. Iltutmish led a second expedition to Bengal in 1230, suppressed all opposition and once again appointed Alauddin Jani as the governor of Bengal. He remained loyal to the sultanate throughout the reign of Iltutmish.
Suppression of the Rajputs:
Following Qutbuddin Aibak’s death the Rajputs made vigorous attempts to overthrow the authority of the Turks. The Rajput rebellions in different regions of western and central India had resulted in the recovery of a number of their strong holds, which had been occupied by the Turks. Up to 1225, Iltutmish was pre-occupied with the problems of the northwest frontier and the subjugation of the Turkish nobles of the east. Thus, till that time he did not wage any war against the powerful Rajput rulers to bring them under his rule. His campaigns were confined to the suppression of the Hindu chiefs of the Doab and Awadh.
Iltutmish began his major offensive against the Rajputs in 1226, when he first attacked and captured Ranthambhor. After re-garrisoning the fort, Iltutmish advanced to Mandu, the capital of the Paramaras, which was recovered and garrisoned. By 1230 the authority of the sultanate was firmly established over Jalor, Ajmer, Bayana, Tahangarh and Sambhar. However, the Solankis of Gujarat and the Guhilots of Nagda resisted the Turkish armies and succeeded in retaining their independence. In 1231, Gwalior was besieged by the Turkish armies. The Parihara ruler, Malayavarmadeva put up a gallant fight against the Turkish invader for a year. However, he could not continue the defensive war any longer. He gave up and the Turks soon captured the fort.
Besides these conquests, Iltutmish sent his armies against Chandelas in 1233 to conquer Kalinjar. The Chandela ruler, Trilokyavarma could not resist the Turkish invaders and left the fort that was plundered. However, the Turks could not achieve much success as they were overwhelmed by the Chandelas and had to withdraw. Iltutmish also sent expeditions towards Bhilsa and Ujjain in 1234-1235. But he did not achieve appreciable success in these regions.
When Iltutmish occupied the throne of Delhi there was every danger of the disintegration of the sultanate. However, it goes to his credit that he not only reasserted his authority but also safeguarded the sultanate from external danger and internal rebellions. Gradually, he regained all the territory, which had one time formed a part of Muhammad Ghori’s empire. He also added some regions towards the south. By bringing the Rajputs under submission he made them realize that the sultanate was a power to be reckoned with. He appointed his personal followers as governors in the conquered regions to curb the rebellious tendencies of the Rajputs and assert his authority.
Administrative Policy of Iltutmish:
Prior to Iltutmish, the Turkish state in India was not properly organized. The government was essentially military in nature. The strategic forts were occupied and garrisoned. Every military commander was expected to realize annual tribute from the local Hindu chiefs and landlords, if need be by the use of force. The rural masses had no contact with the Turks. Thus, a sense of loyalty towards the alien government of the Turks was lacking among the people. The rule of the Turks was, thus, essentially based on military strength. Realizing these defects, Iltutmish introduced a number of measures to improve this state of affairs and give stability to the Delhi Sultanate.
The ‘Group of Forty’:
Iltutmish realized the need to put the status and dignity of the sovereign beyond anybody’s challenge. As the Qutbi and other nobles were unwilling to accept his over lordship, Iltutmish was convinced that he could command the obedience of his subordinate officers only when almost all the high offices were granted to his own favourites. Thus, he organized a ‘group of forty’ and distributed all high offices among them. This ‘group of forty’ also known as turkan-i-chahalagni became a new order of nobility that enhanced the prestige of the Sultan. The ‘group of forty’ became the basis of his power and strength. To give greater stability to the state, Iltutmish selected able persons both foreigners and local inhabitants.
Administration of Justice:
Iltutmish made adequate provision for dispensing justice promptly and impartially. According to an account of Ibn Battuta, there were statues of two lions at the palace gate bearing chains in their mouths. When someone pulled the chain, a bell rang at the other end. Thus, the aggrieved person could get prompt attention from the royal officials. Perhaps this arrangement was meant for the night. During the day a plaintiff could be recognized by his red garment. Iltutmish had made provision for prompt redressal of the grievances. Amirdads were appointed in all important towns. In the imperial city of Delhi there were a number of qazis to dispense justice.
New Currency (the Tanka):
Iltutmish was the first Turkish ruler to introduce a purely Arabic coinage. His silver coin called the tanka weighed 175 grains. It had an Arabic inscription on it. It was meant to replace the former Hindu coins. The issue of the tanka in both gold and silver indicated that the Delhi Sultanate had acquired stability and continuity.
Acquisition of the Letter of Investiture:
In order to justify his calm to the throne of Delhi Iltutmish secured a letter of investiture from the Abbasid Caliph of Baghdad, Al-Mustansir Billah. Thus, Iltutmish initiated a fully sovereign and legally constituted Sultanate of Delhi. He became the first legal sovereign of the sultanate and may be described as the real founder of the Delhi Sultanate.
An Estimate of Iltutmish:
Iltutmish can be regarded as the real consolidator of the Turkish conquests in north Inida. At the time of his accession he had to face a number of difficulties and challenges. With shrewd diplomacy and military maneuvering he not only subjugated his rivals but also consolidated the power of the Delhi Sultanate over the Rajputs and even the distant province of Bengal. By following wise administrative policy, such as maintaining law and order, dispensing evenhanded justice, introducing new currency and finally acquiring the letter of investiture from the Caliph of Baghdad, Iltutmish attempted to provide permanency to the Turkish rule in India. In this sense Iltutmish could be considered as the real founder and consolidator of the Delhi Sultanate.
RAZIYA SULTANA (1236-1240)
Iltutmish nominates Raziya as his successor:
Ruknuddin was the eldest among the surviving sons of Iltutmish. But he was indolent, feeble-minded and given to sensual pleasures. In spite of getting an opportunity to correct him, Ruknuddin could not develop the sense of responsibility. Hence, Iltutmish seriously considered of leaving the throne to his daughter Raziya. He gave her an opportunity to prove her ability by associating her in administration of the central government. During the year 1231-1232, when the sultan was away on the Gwalior campaign, Raziya was left in charge of the government at Delhi. During this period, Raziya gave evidence of her ability, intelligence and sagacity. On his return from the campaign Iltutmish made up his mind to nominate Raziya as his successor superseding all his sons. However, the Turkish nobles opposed his move as improper and derogatory to their pride. But Iltutmish overbore all opposition and managed to ensure the approval of his nobles and ulemas.
Raziya ascends the throne of Delhi:
Following the death of Iltutmish, the Turkish nobles who were opposed to the nomination of Raziya ignored her claim to the throne and selected Ruknuddin as the next sultan. The wazir, Junaidi and the provincial governors lent their support to Ruknuddin. As the new sultan was a debased sensualist, his mother, Shah Turkan, directed public affairs. Originally she had been a maidservant in the royal seraglio and had embittered her relations with the great ladies of the realm. Later Iltutmish had elevated her to the rank of a queen. With the accession of her son Ruknuddin, Shah Turkan got an opportunity to wreak vengeance on her old enemies.
Under these circumstances the ‘group forty’ felt that for preserving the dynasty and the good name of their master, Ruknuddin must be deposed. The governors of Multan, Lahore, Hansi and Badaon collected their forces and marched upon the capital. The wazir, Junaidi also joined them. When Ruknuddin attempted to deal with the situation and left Delhi with an army to oppose his detractors, his own troops deserted him. Meanwhile rebellion broke out in the capital itself. Shah Turkan’s attempt to kill Raziya had angered the citizens of Delhi. They attacked the palace, threw Shah Turkan into prison and raised Raziya to the throne. When Ruknuddin returned to Delhi he found that a bloodless revolution had already taken place. He was arrested and thrown into a dungeon and was put to death later.
Initial difficulties of Raziya:
Soon after her accession Raziya found herself confronted with numerous difficulties. (1) The wazir and the provincial governors were keen to replace Ruknuddin by a person of their choice whom they could control and influence. (2) The orthodox Muslims resented the enthronement of a woman as a sultan. (3) Added to these problems was that a number of sons of Iltutmish were still alive. They had their own supporters and partisans among the nobles and people of Delhi. (4) The Rajputs, taking advantage of the prevailing confusion and uncertainty had started their offensive against the sultanate.
Raziya strengthens her position:
The hostile provincial governors of Badaon, Hansi, Lahore and Multan ably supported by wazir Junaidi, who felt isolated and ignored, mustered their troops near Delhi. Realizing the difficulty of organizing a matching army, Raziya avoided a military encounter with the rebels and instead resorted to diplomacy. She entered into a secret alliance with Salari and Kabir Khan. Thereafter she spread rumours that a number of rebels had joined her. This caused suspicion and distrust among the rebel chiefs who withdrew from the capital quietly. Raziya’s stratagem succeeded and her prestige was enhanced. The provincial governors submitted to her authority.
Raziya adopted a number of measures to strengthen her position and to increase the power and prestige of the monarchy. She distributed important offices of the state amongst her supporters. The naib wazir, Muhazzab-ud-din was put in charge of the wazarat. Her partisan Kabir Khan was appointed to the governorship of Lahore. Tughril Khan, the governor of Lakhnauti (Bengal) was rewarded with vice-royalty for not joining the rebels.
In an effort to break the monopoly of the Turkish nobles to high offices, Raziya adopted the policy of appointing non-Turkish nobles to higher posts. A number of Indian Muslims were appointed as qazis. An Abyssinian, Jamal-ud-din Yaqut was elevated to the position of amir-a-khur (master of the horses). As a result of these measures, according to Minhaj-us-Siraj, “From Debal to Lakhnauti, all the maliks and amirs manifested their obedience and submitted.” Raziya also organized a campaign against the Rajputs. Ranthambhor was besieged and captured.
Like her father Iltutmish, Raziya was determined to assert the authority and establish an independent and absolute monarchy. Besides suppressing the Turkish nobles, who challenged her authority, Raziya governed the sultanate in a befitting manner. Bold and courageous, she gave up purdha (veil), held open court, listened to the grievances of her subjects and exercised general control over the administrative departments. In battles, Raziya rode at the head of her armies. Thus, she proved her ability, love of justice and capacity for hard work.
Defeat and death of Raziya:
By consolidating her position against the Turkish nobles, Raziya drove them to group themselves and conspire against her. They could not tolerate a powerful and despotic monarch who was pursuing the policy of imposing her will on them. They resented the undue importance given to the non-Turkish nobles, specially the Abyssinian officer, Yaqut with whom Raziya was romantically linked. Besides, there was a section of people who could never tolerate the notion of a woman being the head of the state. Raziya had given offence to the orthodox Muslim opinion by casting off female attire and the seclusion of the harem.
These factors led to a conspiracy against Raziya. The Turkish nobles at the court and in the provinces subscribed to a secret plot to depose Raziya and to replace her with a puppet ruler who would abide by their wishes. The leader of this conspiracy was Aitigin, who was the amir-i-hajib (queen’s chamberlain). Other prominent members included Malik Altunia, governor of Bhatinda and Kabir Khan, governor of Lahore, who was once her partisan.
Aitigin was of the opinion that a palace revolution was not possible due to Raziya’s vigilance and popularity amongst her subjects of Delhi and also loyalty of her troops. Thus, the conspirators wanted to decoy her to a distant place and liquidate her there. An attempt was made to put this plan into effect when Kabir Khan, the governor of Lahore revolted early in 1240. However, Raziya was swift enough to put down the revolt. Within a fortnight of the suppression of Kabir Khan’s rebellion, Altunia, the governor of Bhatinda raised the standard of revolt against Raziya. Though she immediately proceeded to crush the fresh challenge to her authority, luck did not favour her. In her absence, Yaqut was captured and beheaded by Aitigin and fellow conspirators. Being defeated in the encounter, Raziya was captured and imprisoned at Bhatinda.
Following the imprisonment of Raziya, the conspirators elevated Bahram, the third son of Iltutmish to the throne. Entrusting Raziya to the charge of Altunia the other conspirators returned to Delhi. In the redistribution of posts and offices, Altunia did not figure anywhere. Being away from Delhi, it seemed that nobody bothered to safeguard his interests. Thus, he decided to avenge himself. He released Raziya from the prison, married her and proceeded with her to Delhi to capture it by force. But Bahram’s army defeated them and both Altunia and Raziya were killed.
An Estimate of Raziya:
The brief reign of Raziya extending over a period of barely three and a half years was too short to consolidate the sultanate. However, within this short span of time she proved superior to other sons of Iltutmish. As the only woman who sat upon the throne of Delhi, she never allowed her sex to eclipse the efficiency of the state. Minhaj-us-Siraj describes Raziya as “a great sovereign and sagacious, just, beneficent, the patron of the learned, a dispenser of justice, the cherisher of her subjects and of war like talent and endowed with all admirable attributes and qualifications necessary for kings.”
Successors of Raziya:
For four years following the death of Raziya, there was no effective government. The brief reigns of Bahram (1240-1242) and Masud (1242-1246), former, brother of Raziya and the latter her nephew (son of Ruknuddin), witnessed the rise of the ‘Group of Forty’ to the height of power. The Turkish nobles once again dictated the state policy and held sway over the puppet rulers. This led not only to the weakening of the monarchy but also to corruption and inefficiency in the administration and general lawlessness. To the problems of internal disorder were added the danger of Mongol invasions. Once again another son of Iltutmish, Nasiruddin Mahmud and his ambitious mother hatched a conspiracy. With the active support of Balban, Masud was deposed and Nasiruddin Mahmud ascended the throne of Delhi in June 1246.
GHIYASUDDIN BALBAN (1265-1287)
The struggle between the monarchy and the Turkish nobility had been the chief feature of the early years of the Delhi Sultanate. Iltutmish and to a certain extent Raziya managed to keep the nobles under check. However, the succession of weak rulers following the death of Raziya led to the ascendancy of the Turkish nobility in state affairs. Finally, Balban one of the members of the elite ‘Group of Forty’, worked his way up in the political hierarchy during the reign of Nasiruddin Mahmud. He strengthened his position and became the de facto ruler. Following the death of the sultan he ascended the throne and established a strong monarchy.
Balban’s rise to power:
Like Iltutmish, Balban was also an Ilbari Turk. In his early youth Balban was captured by the Mongols and sold into slavery. Finally he became a slave of Iltutmish. His ability and enterprise came to the notice of the sultan, who promptly enrolled him as the member of the famous ‘group of forty’. Balban became instrumental in deposing Masud and raising Nasiruddin Mahmud to the throne in 1246. He became the adviser of the new sultan and was given the new title of ulugh khan and was appointed to the coveted office of naib-i-mumlikat. To strengthen his personal hold over the sultan, Balban shrewdly gave his daughter in marriage to Nasiruddin.
Balban assumes de facto power:
Balban attempted to extend his control over different organs of the administration by appointing his close relatives and partisans to key posts. In this way Balban gradually succeeded in assuming de facto power. Indirectly, Nasiruddin Mahmud was responsible for allowing Balban to exercise unrestricted power and authority. According to Minhaj-us-Siraj, Nasiruddin was a man of amiable and pious disposition. He lived the life of a good Muslim in accordance with the Quran. He was an expert calligrapher, who spent his time in copying the Quran. Thus, the sultan’s other worldliness made Balban the de facto ruler.
The success of Balban excited the jealousy of the nobles, specially the non-Turki amirs. A leading Indian Muslim, Imad-ud-din Raihan became their leader. Failing in their efforts to murder him, the anti-Balban faction persuaded the sultan to exile him to Dipalpur and Bhatinda (1253). There was a general redistribution of offices. Raihan took the place of Balban and became the Prime Minister. Being an Indian Muslim he manifested his hostility towards the Turkish nobles and ordered their removal from key appointments in the administration. Raihan’s nominees filled those vacancies.
The Turkish nobles at the court and in the provinces were not prepared to accept an Indian Muslim as the de facto head of the government. They rallied around Balban and decided to take action. Sensing danger of a possible coup d’etat, Nasiruddin quickly shifted sides, reinstated Balban to his original position and transferred Raihan to Badaon and from there to the outlying province of Bahraich.
The recall and reinstatement of Balban led to the investiture of absolute authority on him. He resumed the policy of consolidating the authority of the monarch. He continued the policy of suppressing rebellions of scheming Muslim rivals and revolts of the Hindus. A Mongol invasion of Sindh was frustrated in 1257. Two years later the robber menace was wiped out from the vicinity of Delhi by indiscriminate massacre. Through these measures Balban not only consolidated his own position in the state and safeguarded the security of the sultanate but also paved the way for his own accession as the next sultan.
Accession of Balban:
Following the death of Nasiruddin Mahmud in 1266, Balban who had been the de facto ruler became the de jure ruler. Like Qutbuddin Aibak and Iltutmish, Balban too started life as a slave and rose to become the sultan. His long reign of twenty-one years (1266-1287), is a remarkable epoch in the history of the sultanate.
Difficulties faced by Balban:
On his accession, Balban had to face a number of crucial problems.
(1) During thirty years following the death of Iltutmish, the affairs of the sate had fallen into confusion due to the incompetence of his successors.
(2) A large part of the state revenue was spent in maintaining huge army.
(3) Recurrence of revolts in different parts of the sultanate, defence against the Mongols and suppression of lawlessness and disorder had also led to heavy expenditure.
(4) Defiance of the governors of distant provinces, refractory tendencies of the Turkish nobles and the guerilla tactics of the people of Mewat, Kathehar and Doab had affected the state revenue.
(5) The select band of the Turkish nobles the ‘group of forty’ had become leaders of the forces of disintegration since the death of Iltutmish. In order to assert his supremacy, Balban had to liquidate the ‘Group of Forty’.
(6) Balban had to ensure the security of the sultanate by suppressing all those Hindu chiefs who continued to defy the authority of the sultan.
(7) Doab and surrounding regions were infested with robbers and dacoits who disrupted supplies and even entered the capital in broad daylight and plundered the city.
(8) In Rajasthan and Central India, the Rajputs were becoming bold enough to defy the authority of the sultan.
(9) Besides these internal problems, the Delhi Sultanate was exposed to the menace of recurring Mongol raids.
(10) Describing the condition of the sultanate, Barani paints a pessimistic picture. According to him during the last days of Nasiruddin’s reign the office of the sultan enjoyed no prestige and that people had lost all fear of and respect for the king. “Fear of the governing power, which is the basis of all good government and the source of the glory and splendour of the state, had departed from the hearts of all men and the country had fallen into a wretched condition”, remarks Barani.
Balban strengthens the power and prestige of the
Monarchy:
Balban was determined to set up ‘fear of the governing power as the best remedy against the evil of turbulence.’ Thus, he decided to exalt monarchical prestige and power till it became synonymous with despotism.
Theory of Divine Right:
To enhance the prestige and power of the monarchy, Balban believed in the theory, which resembled the theory of Divine Right of Kings. He expressed his views to his son Bughra Khan. He said, “The heart of the king is the special repository of God’s favour and in this he has no equal among mankind.” He emphasized the sacredness of the king’s person. He had an inherent despotic disposition. He was convinced that unalloyed despotism alone could exact obedience from his subjects and ensure the security of the state. Balban strengthened his claim to the throne by asserting that he was a descendent of the mythical Turkish hero, Afrasiyab.
Splendour of the Court:
Balban established a pattern of court etiquettes, traditions and customs that built a halo of splendour around him and his court and held all the nobles in awe of his personality. According to Barani no sovereign had ever before exhibited such pomp and grandeur in Delhi. For the twenty-one years that Balban reigned he maintained the dignity, honour and majesty of the throne in an manner that could not be surpassed. On his accession, Balban gave up drinking wine and kept himself in studied aloofness and dignified reserve. He prohibited drinking of wine by his courtiers and officials, prescribed for them a special dress and a fixed ceremonial from which no deviation was permitted. He introduced the sijda (prostration) and poibos (kissing the monarch’s feet) in the court as normal forms of salutation. To heighten the splendour of the court, Balban regulated the court ceremonials on the model of the Persian court. He introduced the annual celebration of the Persian New Year, Nauroz. He appointed tall and fearsome bodyguards, who were to stand round the king’s person with their swords drawn and dazzling in the sun.
Promotion of the Turkish Nobility:
In order to strengthen his claim to the noble blood, Balban stood forth as the champion of the Turkish nobility. Important government posts were granted to only those who belonged to the noble family. Lower officers had no access to him except through the higher dignitaries. He maintained a grave demeanour in the court. No one was allowed to laugh or even smile in his court. Thus, Balban infused dignity into monarchy and by rigid ceremonials and dignity, he succeeded in restoring the prestige and power of the court.
Suppression of the ‘Group of Forty’:
While claiming to act as a champion of the Turkish nobility, Balban was not prepared to share power with anyone, not even with members of his own family. He realized that one of the great obstacles in the way of the sultan’s absolute despotism was the select group of leading Turkish nobles, the ‘group of forty’, who had reduced the crown to a mere figurehead. In order to make the throne safe for himself and for his successors, Balban decided to destroy the ‘Group of Forty’. To reduce the importance of the ‘Group of Forty’, Balban promoted junior Turks to important positions. To win the confidence of the public, he administered justice impartially. He inflicted severe punishment on the members of the ‘Group of Forty’ for even slight faults so as to repress them and reduce their importance in the eyes of the people.
Appointment of Spies:
To keep himself informed of all happenings in the kingdom and of the movements of the Turkish amirs and refractory Hindu chiefs, Balban organized an extensive espionage system. He appointed secret news-writers at every level of administration. They were required to transmit to him daily report of all important events and movements. He paid special attention to ascertain the character and loyalty of the news-writers. He gave them good salaries and made them completely independent of the provincial governors. If the news-writer failed in his duty, he was given exemplary punishment. The well-established and efficient espionage system became one of the important means of Balban’s despotism.
Organization of the Army:
For safeguarding his personal security and also that of the state, Balban decided to reorganise the army on a sound footing. Balban did not abolish the old practice of assigning lands in lieu of military service, but took care to see that only such persons who were capable of rendering active military service were given such assignments. Balban placed the cavalry and infantry under officers of experience, who had given proof of their courage and loyalty in battles. He put the army under the charge of Imad-ul-Mulk, a very competent and loyal officer and made him diwan-i-ariz (Minister in charge of the Army). He was made independent of the ministry of finance. Imad-ul-Mulk took special interest in matters relating to recruitment, training, equipment and salary of the troops. Under Balban the army became a powerful instrument of force and the basis of his despotism.
Suppression of the Mewatis:
The law and order situation in the area around Delhi and the Doab had deteriorated since the death of Iltutmish. In the Ganga-Jamuna Doab and Awadh, roads were poor and were infested with marauders. Barani describes their menace in these words, “At night they used to come prowling into the city giving all kinds of trouble, depriving the people of their rest.... the western gate of the capital had to be closed during the afternoon prayer...” The Mewatis had become so bold as to plunder people even on the outskirts of Delhi.
Having strengthened the position of the monarchy and reorganization the army, Balban directed his attention to the suppression of lawlessness in the Doab and the other neighbouring regions. He took stern measures and suppressed the brigands and marauders. He also put an end to the state of insecurity, which had been prevailing for some time in the Doab and Awadh regions.
Mongol incursions:
The Mongol problem gave the greatest anxiety to Balban. The Mongols had made the northwestern regions of India their happy hunting ground. Lahore, Multan and Sindh were exposed to their repeated incursions. To deal with the Mongol danger, Balban set up a line of garrisons along the northwest frontier and manned them with sturdy Afghans. He placed the entire region under the charge of his cousin, Sher Khan, who resisted the Mongols for quite some time. Following his death in 1270, the command of the frontier garrisons was shared between the two sons of Balban, Muhammad Khan and Bughra Khan. The elder prince, Muhammad Khan, died while fighting the Mongols. He was an able soldier and competent administrator. Besides, he was a man of literary taste. Two of the greatest poets of India, Amir Khusrau and Amir Hasan were in his service. Prince Muhammad Khan’s death was a great blow to the future plans of Balban.
Subjugation of Tughril Khan (1279):
Tughril Khan, the governor of Bengal, who had been one of the slaves of Balban, took advantage of the old age of the sultan and his pre-occupation in the northwest frontier to raise the standard of revolt. He assumed the title of sultan, struck coins and read the Québec in his own name. Balban sent three armies in succession against the rebel governor but none of them, succeeded in suppressing Tughril Khan. At last, Balban personally led a large army, two lakh strong and accompanied by his son Bughra Khan, reached Lakhnauti, the capital of Bengal. At the approach of the sultanate army, Tughril Khan fled to East Bengal. Balban pursued the rebel and put him to death. Returning to Lakhnauti, Balban ordered a general massacre of those suspected of participating in the rebellion. According to Barani, “On either side of principal bazar, in a street more than two miles in length, a row of stakes was set up or the adherents of Tughril Khan were impaled upon them. None of the beholders had ever seen a spectacle so terrible and many swooned with terror and disgust.”
Following the suppression of the rebellion of Tughril Khan, Balban entrusted the governorship of the troublesome province to his second son, Bughra Khan with this warning, “Understand me and forget not, that if the governors of Hind or Sindh, Malwa or Gujarat, Lakhnauti or Sonargaon, shall draw the sword and become rebels to the throne of Delhi, then such punishment as has fallen upon Tughril and his dependents will fall upon them and their wives and children and all their adherents.” After a remarkable career Balban died in 1287.
An estimate of Balban:
Balban was one of the chief architects of the sultanate of Delhi. He showed great political foresight in avoiding schemes of territorial expansion through new conquests. He confined his energies in consolidating the Delhi Sultanate. His government was despotic and he did not introduce any administrative innovations. But he gave the sultanate peace and security. Through various measures Balban enhanced the prestige and power of the monarchy. He was strict in the administration of justice. As far as possible, Balban scrupulously followed the principles of Islam. He discoursed frequently on the doctrines of Islam and came in constant contact with Muslim divines.
